Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 1
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 2
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 3
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 4
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 5
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 6
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 7
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 8
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 9a
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 9b
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 10
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 11
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 12
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 14
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 15
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 16
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QUIT! is calling on international LGBT filmmakers not to submit their films or accept invitations to the Tel Aviv International LGBT Film Festival, known as TLVFest. British writer/director Shamim Sarif has already accepted an invitation, but we are asking her to withdraw her new film, "I Can't Think Straight" from the Tel Aviv International LGBT Film Festival this June. At least one international filmmaker has already declined to participate in the festival, citing the recent assault on Gaza as the deciding factor.
If you know any queer filmmakers, please urge them to respect the cultural boycott by refusing to participate in TLVFest.
Please write to Shamim Sarif and let her know that you support the request by QUIT! and other LGBT human rights activists (see letter below from a founder of Trikone, the largest South Asian LGBT organization). Sample letter.January 6, 2009
Congratulations on the completion and success of your two films, “The World Unseen” and “I Can’t Think Straight.” What a wonderful accomplishment!
We understand that you are planning to show “I Can’t Think Straight” at the Tel Aviv Film Festival. QUIT! (Queers Undermining Israeli Terrorism), a grassroots organization in the San Francisco Bay Area, is asking you to join hundreds of internationally organized artists, academics and activists in respecting the cultural boycott of Israel, called by over 100 organizations of Palestinian civil society.
Last week, Israel has launched a devastating assault on Gaza, killing more than 500 people in six days, nearly half of them civilians, including 90 children. It has refused calls for a ceasefire, and cynically declared that there is no humanitarian crisis in Gaza. This egregious violation of international law and human rights makes it even more urgent that we in the international community do everything we can to pressure Israel to end its military occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip and recognize the rights of the over 5 million Palestinian refugees who have been waiting over 60 years to return home. In response to the latest attacks, at least one international queer filmmaker has decided not to screen his film in the Tel Aviv festival. We hope you and others will follow his example.
You of course know about the international pressure campaigns which helped to end legal apartheid in South Africa. Today, a similar campaign is underway to press for the dismantling apartheid in Israel. Bishop Desmond Tutu called for divestment from Israel in 2002, saying, “Yesterday’s South African township dwellers can tell you about today's life in the Occupied Territories. To travel only blocks in his own homeland, a grandfather waits on the whim of a teenage soldier.…The indignities, dependence and anger are all too familiar.” Ronnie Kasrils, a Jewish South African, recently said in an interview with al Ahram Weekly, that Israeli apartheid is worse than that of South Africa. “For all the evils and atrocities of apartheid, the government never sent tanks into black towns. It never used gunships, bombers, or missiles against the black towns or Bantustans. The apartheid regime used to impose sieges on black towns, but these sieges were lifted within days.”
As queer people, we know that mainstream media and organizations don’t tell the full story of our lives, and frequently present outright lies that once accepted become difficult to refute. One example of this practice is the conscious public relations campaign presenting Israel as the “only democracy in the Middle East,” and specifically representing it as a haven for LGBT people.
Nothing could be further from the truth than this fantasyland version of Israel. LGBT Palestinians living in the Occupied Territories, like straight Palestinians, are denied their basic human rights. This brutal occupation perpetuates war crimes on a daily basis, especially in the two-year siege of Gaza where 1.5 million Palestinians have experienced almost a complete blockage of fuel, electric power, food and medicine. Simultaneously Palestinians living within the pre-1967 borders or the “green line,” including LGBT Palestinians, continue to experience systematic discrimination and segregation, without the rights of true citizenship simply because they are not Jewish.
To defeat the apartheid policies of Israel, the call for an Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel has been initiated by Palestinian artists and academics, signed by a broad spectrum of Palestinian organizations, and has been joined by filmmakers Jean-Luc Godard, Sophie Fiennes, Elia Suleiman, Ken Loach, Haim Bresheeth, and Jenny Morgan , writers John Berger, Arundhati Roy, Ahdaf Soueif, and Eduardo Galeano, and musicians Brian Eno and Leon Rosselson.
Boycott is a time-honored collective nonviolent action to pressure Israel to change their policies which run counter to international laws, over 80 United Nations resolutions, and basic human rights. It is a means to change a growing political and social crisis for Palestinians. The academic and cultural boycott is now being furthered by labor unions in the UK, the Presbyterian Church (USA), the British National Union of Journalists, the Congress of South African Trade Unions, the Canadian Union of Postal Workers, the Canadian Union of Public Employees in Ontario, Israeli Citizens for a Boycott of Israel, and many more groups.
We realize that we are asking you to make a big sacrifice by not showing your film at the only Middle Eastern festival in which it has been accepted. We firmly believe that the struggle for LGBTQI rights must always be in the context of the liberation of all peoples.
More information about the Cultural and Academic Boycott is available from www.pacbi.org or http://bdsmovement.net/. We would also be glad to discuss this issue with you further; you can reach us at email@example.com (our website is www.quitpalestine.org).Cordially,
I have heard about your wonderful film, "I Can't Think Straight", and have been informed that you are planning on showing that film at the Tel Aviv Film Festival.
You may be aware that there is an international cultural boycott of Israel to protest its continuing occupation of Palestine and the daily suffering it causes on Palestinians. International participation in Israel's cultural events means that the boycott is being ignored and therefore bestows legitimacy to the issue which inspired the boycott, i.e. the occupation and oppression of Palestine.
The recent ferocious Israeli attacks on Gaza and the subsequent killings of Palestinian civilians, destruction of Palestinian infrastructure - essentially an attempt to cripple Palestinian civil society - make it even more imperative that international pressure be increased on Israel so that it acts in a civilized manner. Boasting to be the most or even only, democratic society in the Middle East is a shallow attempt to hide the fact that it is continuing to occupy Palestine in clear violation of international laws and UN resolutions. It is of little consolation to the Palestinians to know that their land is being stolen, their families being kidnapped, their livelihoods being destroyed, their schools and other institutions being periodically bombed, their movements from one neighborhood to another being restricted, millions of people essentially being imprisoned, all by people who are apparently the most 'democratic' in the Middle East.
Just as the international boycotts against South Africa during its apartheid era were helpful in finally bringing about the downfall of Apartheid it is hoped that similar boycotts against Israel would bring about the change that is necessary for Palestinians to survive. This boycott was initiated by hundreds of Palestinian organizations and supported by many international groups, with particular support from anti-apartheid activists and groups from South Africa.
As one of the founding members of Trikone, the largest LGBT organization for South Asians, and a previous co-chair of IGLHRC (International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission) I have been actively involved in support of gay rights for decades. Your movie, "I Can't Think Straight", is a welcome addition in support of the gay movement. However, I believe that our rights should not supersede the rights of other oppressed groups. Your participation in the Tel Aviv film festival would be considered an implicit act of support of Israeli policies because of the cultural boycott in place and would be particularly sad for gay human rights activists who are struggling for the rights of Palestinians to live in freedom.
I realize that it takes a lot of effort and love to produce a film like this and as a film-maker you would want to have a wide audience for your work. However, I do hope that you will express your solidarity with the Palestinians who are calling for the cultural boycott and refrain from showing your film at the festival. I would also request you to write a letter to the organizers explaining the reasons for your refusal to participate in the festival.
Finally, I want to thank you for making the film and am hoping to watch it myself at some point in the near future.Regards,
This item was received by email.
http://www.counterpunch.com/avnery02022009.html - 2 February 2009
February 2, 2009
A Spanish judge has instituted a judicial inquiry against seven Israeli political and military personalities on suspicion of war crimes and crimes against humanity. The case: the 2002 dropping of a one ton bomb on the home of Hamas leader Salah Shehade. Apart from the intended victim, 14 people, most of them children, were killed.
For those who have forgotten: the then commander of the Israeli Air Force, Dan Halutz, was asked at the time what he feels when he drops a bomb on a residential building. His unforgettable answer: “A slight bump to the wing.” When we in Gush Shalom accused him of a war crime, he demanded that we be put on trial for high treason. He was joined by the Prime Minister, Ariel Sharon, who accused us of wanting to “turn over Israeli army officers to the enemy”. The Attorney General notified us officially that he did not intend to open an investigation against those responsible for the bombing.
I should be happy, therefore, that at long last somebody is ready to put that action to a judicial test (even if he seems to have been thwarted by political pressure.) But I am sorry that this has happened in Spain, not in Israel.* * *
ISRAELI TV VIEWERS have lately been exposed to a bizarre sight: army officers appearing with their faces hidden, as usual for criminals when the court prohibits their identification. Pedophiles, for example, or attackers of old women.
On the orders of the military censors, this applies to all officers, from battalion commanders down, who have been involved in the Gaza war. Since the faces of brigade commanders and above are generally known, the order does not apply to them.
Immediately after the cease-fire, the Minister of Defense, Ehud Barak, promoted a special law that would give unlimited backing by the state to all officers and soldiers who took part in the Gaza war and who might be accused abroad of war crimes. This seems to confirm the Hebrew adage: “On the head of the thief, the hat is burning”.* * *
I DO NOT object to trials abroad. The main thing is that war criminals, like pirates, should be brought to justice. It is not so important where they are caught. (This rule was applied by the State of Israel when it abducted Adolf Eichmann in Argentina and hanged him in Israel for heinous crimes committed outside the territory of Israel and, indeed, before the state even existed.)
But as an Israeli patriot, I would prefer suspected Israeli war criminals to be put on trial in Israel. That is necessary for the country, for all decent officers and soldiers of the Israeli army, for the education of future generations of citizens and soldiers.
There is no need to rely on international law alone. There are Israeli laws against war crimes. Enough to mention the immortal phrase coined by Justice Binyamin Halevy, serving as a military judge, in the trial of the border policemen who were responsible for the 1956 massacre in Kafr Kassem, when dozens of children, women and men were mown down for violating a curfew which they did not even know about.
The judge announced that even in wartime, there are orders over which flies “the black flag of illegality”. These are orders which are “manifestly” illegal – that is to say, orders which every normal person can tell are illegal, without having to consult a lawyer.
War criminals dishonor the army whose uniform they wear – whether they are generals or common soldiers. As a combat soldier on the day the Israeli Defense Army was officially created, I am ashamed of them and demand that they be cast out and be put on trial in Israel.
My list of suspects includes politicians, soldiers, rabbis and lawyers.* * *
THERE IS not the slightest doubt that in the Gaza war, crimes were committed. The question is to what extent and by whom.
Example: the soldiers call on the residents of a house to leave it. A woman and her four children come out, waving white handkerchiefs. It is absolutely clear that they are not armed fighters. A soldier in a near-by tank stands up, points his rifle and shoots them dead at short range. According to testimonies that seem to be beyond doubt, this happened more than once.
Another example: the shelling of the United Nations school full of refugees, from which there was no shooting – as admitted by the army, after the original pretexts were disproved.
These are ”simple” cases. But the spectrum of cases is far wider. A serious judicial investigation has to start right from the top: the politicians and senior officers who decided on the war and confirmed its plans must be investigated about their decisions. In Nuremberg it was laid down that the starting of a war of aggression is a crime.
An objective investigation has to find out whether the decision to start the war was justified, or if there existed another way of stopping the launching of rockets against Israeli territory. Without doubt, no country can or should tolerate the bombing of its towns and villages from beyond the border. But could this be prevented by talking with the Gaza authorities? Was our government’s decision to boycott Hamas, the winner of the democratic Palestinian elections, the real cause of this war? Did the imposition of the blockade on a million and a half Gaza Strip inhabitants contribute to the launching of the Qassams? In brief: were the alternatives considered before it was decided to start a deadly war?
The war plan included a massive attack on the civilian population of the Strip. The real aims of a war can be understood less from the official declarations of its initiators, than from their actions. If in this war some 1300 men, women and children were killed, the great majority of whom were not fighters; if about 5000 people were injured, most of them children; if some 2500 homes were partly or wholly destroyed; if the infrastructure of life was totally demolished – all this clearly could not have happened accidentally. It must have been a part of the war plan.
The things said during the war by politicians and officers make it clear that the plan had at least two aims, which might be considered war crimes: (1) To cause widespread killing and destruction, in order to “fix a price tag”. “to burn into their consciousness”, “to reinforce deterrence”, and most of all – to get the population to rise up against Hamas and overthrow their government. Clearly this affects mainly the civilian population. (2) To avoid casualties to our army at (literally) any price by destroying any building and killing any human being in the area into which our troops were about to move, including destroying homes over the heads of their inhabitants, preventing medical teams from reaching the victims, killing people indiscriminately. In certain cases, inhabitants were warned that they must flee, but this was mainly an alibi-action: there was nowhere to flee to, and often fire was opened on people trying to escape.
An independent court will have to decide whether such a war-plan is in accordance with national and international law, or whether it was ab initio a crime against humanity and a war-crime.
This was a war of a regular army with huge capabilities against a guerrilla force. In such a war, too, not everything is permissible. Arguments like “The Hamas terrorists were hiding within the civilian population” and “They used the population as human shields” may be effective as propaganda but are irrelevant: that is true for every guerrilla war. It must be taken into account when a decision to start such a war is being considered.
In a democratic state, the military takes its orders from the political establishment. Good. But that does not include “manifestly” illegal orders, over which the black flag of illegality is waving. Since the Nuremberg trials, there is no more room for the excuse that “I was only obeying orders”.
Therefore, the personal responsibility of all involved - from the Chief of Staff, the Front Commander and the Division Commander right down to the last soldier - must be examined. From the statements of soldiers one must deduce that many believed that their job was “to kill as many Arabs as possible”. Meaning: no distinction between fighters and non-fighters. That is a completely illegal order, whether given explicitly or by a wink and a nudge. The soldiers understood this to be “the spirit of the commander”.* * *
AMONG THOSE suspected of war crimes, the rabbis have a place of honor.
Those who incite to war crimes and call upon soldiers, directly or indirectly, to commit war crimes may be guilty of a war crime themselves.
When one speaks of “rabbis”, one thinks of old men with long white beards and big hats, who give tongue to venerable wisdom. But the rabbis who accompanied the troops are a very different species.
In the last decades, the state-financed religious educational system has churned out “rabbis” who are more like medieval Christian priests than the Jewish sages of Poland or Morocco. This system indoctrinates its pupils with a violent tribal cult, totally ethnocentric, which sees in the whole of world history nothing but an endless story of Jewish victimhood. This is a religion of a Chosen People, indifferent to others, a religion without compassion for anyone who is not Jewish, which glorifies the God-decreed genocide described in the Biblical book of Joshua.
The products of this education are now the “rabbis” who instruct the religious youths. With their encouragement, a systematic effort has been made to take over the Israeli army from within. Kippa-wearing officers have replaced the Kibbutzniks, who not so long ago were dominant in the army. Many of the lower and middle-ranking officers now belong to this group.
The most outstanding example is the “Chief Army Rabbi”, Colonel Avichai Ronsky, who has declared that his job is to reinforce the “fighting spirit” of the soldiers. He is a man of the extreme right, not far from the spirit of the late Rabbi Meir Kahane, whose party was outlawed in Israel for its fascist ideology. Under the auspices of the army rabbinate, religious-fascist brochures of the ultra-right “rabbis” were distributed to the soldiers.
This material includes political incitement, such as the statement that the Jewish religion prohibits “giving up even one millimeter of Eretz Israel”, that the Palestinians, like the Biblical Philistines (from whom the name Palestine derives), are a foreign people who invaded the country, and that any compromise (such as indicated in the official government program) is a mortal sin. The distribution of political propaganda violates, of course, army law.
The rabbis openly called upon the soldiers to be cruel and merciless towards the Arabs. To treat them mercifully, they stated, is a “terrible, awful immorality”. When such material is distributed to religious soldiers going into war, it is easy to see why things happened the way they did.* * *
THE PLANNERS of this war knew that the shadow of war crimes was hovering over the planned operation. Witness: the Attorney General (whose official title is “Legal Advisor to the Government”) was a partner to the planning. This week the Chief Army Attorney, Colonel Avichai Mandelblut, disclosed that his officers were attached throughout the war to all the commanders, from the Chief of Staff down to the Division Commander.
All this together leads to the inescapable conclusion that the legal advisors bear direct responsibility for the decisions taken and implemented, from the massacre of the civilian police recruits at their graduating ceremony to the shelling of the UN installations. Every attorney who was a partner to the deliberations before an order was given is responsible for its consequences, unless he can prove that he objected to it.
The Chief Army Attorney, who is supposed to give the army professional and objective advice, speaks about “the monstrous enemy” and tries to justify the actions of the army by saying that it was fighting against “an unbridled enemy, who declared that he ‘loves death’ and finds shelter behind the backs of women and children”. Such language is, perhaps, pardonable in a pep-talk of a war-drunk combat commander, like the battalion chief who ordered his soldiers to commit suicide rather than be captured, but totally unacceptable when it comes from the chief legal officer of the army.* * *
WE MUST pursue all the legal processes in Israel and call for an independent investigation and the indictment of suspected perpetrators. We must demand this even if the chances of it happening are slim indeed.
If these efforts fail, nobody will be able to object to trials abroad, either in an international court or in the courts of those nations that respect human rights and international law.
Until then, the black flag will still be waving.
Uri Avnery is an Israeli writer and peace activist with Gush Shalom. He is a contributor to CounterPunch's book The Politics of Anti-Semitism.
Received by email: A long but truly excellent examination of Zionism and its embeddedness in western imperialism. Did you know that Napoleon Bonaparte in his imperialist thrust in Africa and Asia offered the 'Israelites' a return to their 'ancestral birthright' as the 'rightful heirs of Palestine'? Ot that the Earl of Shaftesbury in 1830 advocated a Jewish homeland in Palestine? Read on...
The Link - Volume 42, Issue 1
June 8, 1967. Israeli warplanes and boats attack the USS Liberty as it sits in international waters off the coast of Gaza, killing 34 seamen, wounding another 137, and leaving the high-tech surveillance vessel in ruins. President Lyndon B. Johnson calls off a rescue mission and issues orders that nothing further is to be said about the incident. To this day it is the only peacetime attack on a U.S. naval vessel that Congress refuses to investigate.
March 16, 2003. A D-9 bulldozer, made by Caterpillar in the United States and bought by Israel with U.S. taxpayer money, crushes American citizen Rachel Corrie as she tries to prevent its demolition of a Palestinian home in Rafah, Gaza. Rachel is wearing an orange flak-jacket, and speaking into a bull-horn under a cloudless sky-yet the Israeli military claimed that its driver could not see her and that she slipped on debris roiled up by the bulldozer. No protest is launched from the U.S. State Department, nor is one generated from within Congress, which shortly afterwards passed yet another resolution pledging near-unanimous and unconditional support for the state of Israel. To this day, no action has been taken against Rachel's murderers.
Israel lives and breathes impunity.
* It clandestinely built a nuclear arsenal with full knowledge of the U. S. and in flagrant violation of America's stipulated goal of checking nuclear proliferation. Israel has refused to acknowledge its arsenal or to join any international covenants for the regulation and restriction of nuclear weapons. But while the U.S. government, politicians and mainstream media obsess over a future nuclear threat from Iran, the present menace of Israel's nuclear weapons goes unmentioned.
* The candidates for the 2008 presidential election vied with one another over who is the better friend of Israel. In May 2008, Barack Obama went to Washington where he pandered to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), promising the Jewish state even more impunity, including undivided sovereignty over Jerusalem.
Accompanying him on that trip was Illinois Congressman Rahm Emanuel, a fervid Zionist, who had volunteered to assist the Israel Defense Forces during the 1991 Gulf War, and whose father was a member of the Jewish terrorist group, the Irgun. Six months later, Rahm Emanuel became President-elect Obama's first political appointment as chief of staff.
* Meanwhile, Israel has been shielded from censure by more than 40 U.S. vetoes of U.N. resolutions and it continues to flout resolutions that variously demand the right of return of Palestinian refugees, the cessation of its occupation of Palestine after the 1967 war, or the taking down of the so-called "Separation Wall," a monstrosity whose ostensible purpose is checking Palestinian terror, and whose actual effect is to steal yet more Palestinian land, separate Palestinians from each other and their meager croplands, and keep them out of view of Israelis-in short, the Wall seals off the West Bank into a giant prison. Meanwhile Gaza has become the example par excellence of collective punishment, one of the gravest violations of human rights. Israel knows it can thumb its nose at international law- and the principle of law-because it can count on the backing of the U.S. superpower, even when that superpower itself is attacked by Israel, as happened in 1967.
Impunity is license to do as one pleases, knowing that there will be neither restraint before nor punishment after the act. It is a conduit to nihilism, that is, a moral degeneration in which everything is permitted and nothing is true. It is the absolute corruption that comes with absolute, unchecked power. This is most pronounced in the occupation of Palestine, where impunity is so marked, the balance of forces so one-sided, and the conflict so prolonged. The Israeli occupation of Palestine is a culture medium for atrocity, which occurs at the far side of silence. When those who should speak hold back, the perpetrator loses his way and falls into a moral abyss. The silence which permits this in the case of Israel is largely made, like D-9 bulldozers, in the United States, Israel's giant patron and protective shield.
As a citizen of the United States and a Jew descended from Russian- Ukrainian immigrants, I perceived this wanton criminality as a betrayal of the moral identity of the Jewish people, whose wanderings across the globe were a veritable chronicle of the impunity of the powerful. The impunity of Israel, its complicity in the injustices wrought by the United States, all with collusion by great portions of its Jewish community, filled me with shame and provoked outrage. I came to reject the tribalized identity of the Jew as perpetual victim, but retained and tried to cultivate that portion of my heritage which stood for the universality of humankind.
Although I spent a great portion of my adult life in movements against racism, war, U.S. imperialism, the corruptions of media and mass culture, and-with special emphasis in recent years-the ecological ravaging of the earth, I remained relatively quiet about Israel itself until the year 2000. This was not for lack of aversion to Israeli policies, nor did I fear the accusation of anti-semitism, the identification of which with criticism of Israel I had always regarded as tedious, albeit pernicious, nonsense. My reticence stemmed, rather, from certain family conflicts. When the individuals concerned in these-chiefly my mother-passed away, my political development in this sphere resumed and, as if to make up for lost time, gathered speed.
The brutality of Israel's response to the Second Intifada, which began in late September 2000, pushed the process into the open. I resolved to be one who would speak out and not hold back, and began publishing articles critical of Israel. In 2003, infuriated by the murder of Rachel Corrie and encouraged by the support of people like Edward Said, I expanded the project into a book-length study. This became "Overcoming Zionism," published in 2007, about which more will be said later.
In the course of my studies, the problem posed by Israel seemed less the particular offenses of the Occupation or of Israeli foreign policy than of Zionism itself, the defining logic of the Jewish state and its central dynamic. Having been a physician I was accustomed to think in terms of an underlying disease pattern as the generator of manifest symptomatology. Accordingly, Zionism is the world-historical disease of Jewry in the present epoch. It is the structural disorder that drives ethnocentric chauvinism, ethnic cleansing of indigenous people, structural racism-and also the peculiar moral logic that shapes the Zionist power structure in the United States and configures its impunity. There is a "bad conscience" to Zionism, which results as the ancient identity of the Jew as the ethically superior perpetual victim encounters the endless transgressions required to construct Zionism's dream of a Jewish state in historic Palestine. Played out within the circumstances of Israel's great patron, the United States, this becomes the manufacturer of Israel's impunity.
The relationship between the United States and Israel is surely one of the most peculiar in all history. A major aspect of this is that the United States has become a country in which serious criticism of another country, Israel, is largely forbidden. To say this is not to claim that criticism is impossible-after all, this essay is part of the United States political culture and is based on such criticism, as is the work of AMEU. But there is a kind of prevailing wind that marginalizes criticism, instills fear, and imposes penalties for speaking out. A certain toleration for criticism is allowed, as befits a liberal society. But this is set about with taboos, and signposts arise to warn the unwary: Do not call into question the right of Israel to exist. Do not commit the sin of anti-semitism. Do not go too far. Do not call Zionism itself into question.
It has been widely observed that it is much easier to criticize Israel from within Israel than from within the United States. This should not be overstated-the great historian Ilan Pappe was essentially driven out of his native land because his epochal critique, "The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine," went too far in demolishing the founding myths of the state; but the observation is real enough. Thus the ferocity of suppression of anti-Israel criticism in the United States greatly exceeds that in Israel itself.
Indeed, the criticism America allows of itself is far greater than what it allows for Israel.
This would not be so were it not for the extreme dependence of Israel on the United States, a support that requires billions of dollars and the most sophisticated military aid, along with the effective silencing of criticism as the precondition for aid. American support of Israel would be withdrawn or vastly reduced if key groups within this country or the population at large began to think ill of the Jewish state. The peculiar relationship, therefore, would collapse like the proverbial house of cards were criticism freely allowed. And once that went, the state of Israel would very likely become radically transformed. It follows that the impunity granted Israel by the machinations of Zionist suppression is essential to the health and vigor of its Jewish state.
The suppression mechanism is usually ascribed to an influencing agent, or lobby, either called the "Israel Lobby" or, equivalently, the "Zionist Lobby," with its apex in AIPAC. Needless to say, a massive and richly funded institutional system of lobbies are a vital part of the process; indeed, one might call them the factories in which the manufacture of the final product is carried out. But the suppression of criticism is not made from whole cloth; there are also components and raw materials to be taken into account. So it is with the lobbies, the raw material for which entails a common belief system that circulates among elites and stems from deeply held assumptions that go back to the origins of our society.
The lobbies as such are therefore powerful enforcers of a much more broadly based system. This develops within what is called civil society, the interconnected set of institutions that comprises the connective tissue of a nation, and includes churches and synagogues, schools, libraries, publishers, and a wide range of community organizations. Among this great mass certain Zionist organs of repression have crystallized in recent years-Campus Watch, CAMERA, the David Project, and so forth-and, in alliance with traditional Zionist groups such as the Anti-Defamation League and the Zionist Organization of America, have acted as focal points of repression. I am sure that they communicate with each other, with AIPAC, and with other major Jewish organizations, as well.
But while there are definitely lobbies among these networks, the overall network is no lobby. It would be better to call it, as sociologist James Petras has, a "Zionist Power Configuration," or perhaps we could say, a "Zionist Apparatus." What we call it is not especially important; what matters is that we understand that the loose and decentralized character of the network floats atop an attitudinal sea that supports the basic notions of Zionism, and functions to structure the Israeli cause in the collective mind.
Though a great many repressive acts are initiated by one node of the network or another, a great many others are executed without any particular organizational focus. These fade off, as is the case with most discriminatory campaigns, into gestures and slights, shunnings and glances that never register on the meter as newsworthy. Thus numberless decisions are made by publishers to automatically reject books critical of Israel, at times without even an acknowledgement of receiving the manuscript; or literary agents will decline to represent the work; or if the book finally does get published library committees will decide not to purchase it, or editors of journals will more or less automatically decide not to review it.
All of these mishaps, by the way, happened to me in the course of bringing forth "Overcoming Zionism." None of them, with an exception to be taken up below, required the intervention of Zionist watchdog institutions, or prior consultation with them. They were carried out under supervision of the Watchdog that lives in the head, signaling editors what to publish and what to review, signaling reviewers as to which way the wind is blowing, signaling authors where to pull their punches and how to couch their arguments, signaling politicians when to kowtow, and signaling the thought-police of the apparatus when and how to attack.
The formidable matrix of pro-Israel feeling has its corollary in the neglect and disregard of the Palestinians, as though these were not fully formed human beings with equivalent natural rights. In the process, Islam, the lost cousin of the "Abrahamic" family, is considered an alien religion by the great majority of Americans. All of this is the result of an unexamined history that underlies and nourishes the apparatus.
Listen to Napoleon Bonaparte, writing in 1799:
Bonaparte, Commander-in-Chief of the Armies of the French Republic in Africa and Asia, to the Rightful Heirs of Palestine. Israelites, unique nation, whom, in thousands of years, lust of conquest and tyranny were able to deprive of the ancestral lands only, but not of name and national existence . . . She [France] offers to you at this very time, and contrary to all expectations, Israel's patrimony . . .
Rightful heirs of Palestine . . . hasten! Now is the moment which may not return for thousands of years, to claim the restoration of your rights among the population of the universe which had shamefully withheld from you for thousands of years, your political existence as a nation among the nations, and the unlimited natural right to worship Yehovah in accordance with your faith, publicly and in likelihood for ever . . . . .
Napoleon's missive, the first instance so far as I know of European support for Zionist settlement, was a typically imperial ploy to use Jews as cat's paws to enter the Middle East for purposes of Western- in this case, French-domination. Needless to say, it fell flat, in good part because Jews at that time had no interest in restoring their glorious past. But this curious initiative reminds us that anti- semitism is only one aspect of the complex figure of Christendom's attitudes toward the Jewish people. Along with Judaeophobia-and at times shadowing it-there has laid another part of the complex: the notion of Jews as lost brethren, whose conversion was eagerly sought, and whose plight needed restitution. No narrative was more emphasized than that Jews had been forcibly exiled as a people and had, therefore, their "Right of Return." This became a divinely sanctioned mission to return to the Holy Land. It derived from the Exodus myth of the Egyptian captivity, and the later actual captivity by Babylon (King Nebuchadnezzar ca. 800 B.C.), and it received its definitive historical shape with the destruction of the Second Temple by Roman legions in 70 A.D., and the diaspora that allegedly followed.
This powerful theme served to absolve Christianity from guilt over its own failings and persecutory misdeeds. But it also, in contrast with anti-semitism where the Jew is the eternal and diabolical stranger, granted a kind of fellow feeling to the "unique nation, according to which the Jewish predicament as strangers within Christendom needed mending, and in which the restoration, and hopefully, conversion, of the Jews was the precondition for the return of Christ and redemption of Christians.
In numerous instances, this extended to frank identification by Christians with the fate of Jews-even, often enough, when such attitudes were accompanied by Judaeophobic loathing. Thus the leading British proto-Zionist, the Earl of Shaftesbury, while advocating in 1830 a Jewish homeland in Palestine, wrote that Jews, "though admittedly a stiff-necked, dark-hearted people, and sunk in moral degradation, obduracy, and ignorance of the Gospel . . . [are] not only worthy of salvation but also vital to Christianity's hope of salvation."
The rub here is that appeals to Jewish settlement of the Holy Land have from the beginning been embedded within projects of Western expansionism. By identifying with Jewish restoration Europe could remain unconscious of its own aggression. This could also be projected onto the Jews, who can be considered capable of any crime according to the logic of anti-semitism. In any event, Shaftesbury, however sincere in his evocation of a proto-Zionism, was also seeking to get a leg up on the French, just as Napoleon, 30 years before, was seeking advantage over the British.
Identification with Jews became particularly strong in outposts of the British empire, the colonial settlers of which fell naturally into the habit of thinking of themselves as covenantally chosen, morally exceptional, and deserving of salvation thanks to the hardships and persecution they had to endure. Nowhere was this attitude stronger than in the American settlements. Its effects have become foundational for our national life. They still reverberate today and enter into Jewish life in America, in the relationship between Israel and the United States, and in the power of the Zionist apparatus.
The utopianism which forms so substantial a portion of America's basic belief-system was largely an Old Testament legacy, elaborated by Puritan elites into a theocratic modeling according to the example of the ancient Israelites, whose Thirteenth Tribe the settlers often considered themselves. We find, for example, Cotton Mather, the leading intellectual of 17th century Puritanism, writing favorably about the Massachusetts colony becoming "a theocracy, as near as might be, to that which was the glory of Israel, the `peculiar people.'" Mather was extolling the example set by his forbearer, John Cotton, of whom the American historian Vernon Parrington has written:
To found an Hebraic state in which political rights should be subordinated to religious conformity, in which magistrates should be chosen from a narrow group, with authority beyond the reach of the popular will, and with the ministers serving as court of last resort to interpret the divine law to the citizen-subjects of Jehovah-this was the great ambition of John Cotton; and the untiring zeal and learned scriptural authority which he dedicated to that ambition justify us in regarding him as the greatest of the New England theocrats.
By the 18th century, theocratic Puritanism had become layered over with the Jeffersonian belief system known as "Arminianism" whose relatively benign deistic impulses became enshrined in the liberal democracy set forth in the U.S. Constitution and Bill of Rights. But as recent history starkly reveals, the theocratic specter remains alive and well in the Christian Right, and became an essential component of the Republican coalition which has dominated American politics for the past quarter century, veering the Republic sharply in the direction of Cotton's "Hebraic state," and both savaging the Constitution and sharply increasing Zionist power in the process.
It is impressive that two of the four presidents prior to Obama have been steeped in the ways of the Christian Right. George W. Bush was artfully manipulated by Ariel Sharon in this regard, as on a helicopter trip over the Holy Land in which, choking up with tears, Bush swore fealty to the Jewish state.
However the President most thoroughly marinated in Christian Zionist ideology was the much revered Ronald Reagan. From boyhood, the 40th President was exposed to the premillennial-dispensational theology dominant in the Christian Right, in which signs from present events are interpreted according to biblical texts such as Ezekiel and the Book of Revelation. For example, when discussing with an evangelist preacher in 1976 about how "dramatic Bible prophecy" was being fulfilled with the "re-emergence of Israel as a nation," Reagan was asked what America should do if Israel was about to be destroyed by other nations. His reply was: "We have a pledge to Israel to the preservation of that nation . . . we have an obligation, a responsibility, and a destiny." Similar comments were observed during his presidency. In 1984, for example, speaking, notably enough, with Tom Dine, then director of AIPAC, Reagan averred:
You know, I turn back to the ancient prophets in the Old Testament and the signs foretelling Armageddon, and I find myself wondering if- if we're the generation that is going to see that come about. I don't know if you've noted any of these prophecies lately, but believe me they certainly describe the times we're going through. To a person so disposed, an Israel strategically placed in respect to events of cosmic magnitude must be given impunity for crimes committed against mere Muslim heathen. With the Millennium at stake, hordes of terror-loving Arabs should not be allowed to stand in the Lord's way. When Menachem Begin followed suit and conferred Israeli honors upon Jerry Falwell, a profound realignment had been achieved.
From being the odd man and pariah of Christendom, the Jew-as-Zionist now joined hands with the Christian West as partners for a new Crusade against the other Abrahamic faith.
Most recently, this crusading impulse has seen the rise of a new kind of courtier, the neoconservative, who further embedded Zionism at the highest levels of American power. The neocon personifies Old Testament messianism in the service of United States imperialism. It was natural for a certain cadre of Jewish intellectuals to come aboard the project, men of radical temperament, some of them veterans of the eclipsed leftism that had once been part of Jewish identity, and all of them ready to serve the new crusade. Thus men like Paul Wolfowitz, Richard Perle and Elliott Abrams surfaced on the right wing of the political spectrum and found their home. By no means are all neocons Jewish; however, it is certainly the case that to function as a neocon one must be ardently Zionist, whether of Christian or Jewish stripe.
Beginning in the 1980s, then, U.S. foreign policy, which had been moderately pro-Israel since 1948 and vigorously tied with Israeli interests since 1967, now began to be strongly influenced from within by Zionists, whose messianism dovetailed nicely with the well-worn themes of Manifest Destiny and America's Covenantal obligation to bring democracy to the world, by force if necessary. There has developed, in short, a kind of Zionification of the American security apparatus, with a confluence of Christian and Jewish Zionist themes.
This continued in a muted way through the Clinton administration and burst forth under the second Bush. The neocon-driven debacle in Iraq undoubtedly has thrown the proverbial monkey wrench into this machine. Its fate under an Obama administration is, as of this writing, too uncertain for speculation.
Jewish Zionism was at the same time a rejection of the West and an embrace of its colonial impulse, for which purpose it had to become the dependent instrument of a Great Power. The dual role leads to endless and profound contradictions, among them a permanent state of insecurity grounded in eternal ambivalence toward its patron. This may help explain the startling occurrences of hostility on the part of Israel toward its protector, shown for example, by the USS Liberty incident, or the turning over by Prime Minister Shamir of the espionage gathered by Jonathan Pollard to the Soviets, which resulted in the death of American agents and the demolition of the U.S. network in the Soviet Union. And it definitely contributes to the striking mixture of truculence and obsequiousness shown toward the United States and to Zionism's extreme sensitivity toward criticism.
These contradictions are deeply rooted in the identity of American Jews. As Zionism proclaims that Israel is the state of all the Jewish people, everywhere, it also requires that a proper Jewish identity must include Zionism. In the United States, where the phenomenal success of the Jewish community has entailed both the falling away of traditional anti-semitism and the loss of the traditions that defined Jewish identity over the centuries, a more or less perpetual identity crisis (aggravated by rising rates of intermarriage) has made American Jews, and especially their better-off members, highly susceptible to the lure of Zionism, now perforce an ideology of the right wing despite its socialist origins. Criticism of Israel becomes an attack on who American Jews are.
Jewish Zionists, however, are not homogeneous, and may be graded on a continuum between "hard" and "soft" tendencies. Research suggests that hard Zionists represent roughly 15-20% of the American Jewish population, and they are the ones in command of the main structures of the so-called Lobby. Their hardness consists of the capacity to override considerations of justice with claims of existential necessity. They live in a constant state of low-grade hysteria, evoking the canard that criticism of Israel is anti-semitic and summoning the allegedly omnipresent threat of another Holocaust; or they resort to extreme racist claims against Palestinian "terror;" or grandiose and messianic assertions of Israel's superior "democracy."
They are ardent in going to the barricades for Israel, whether to squash dissenters or keep Congress and U.S. foreign policy in line.
They exult in Israel's power, speak of the Jewish state as the restoration of Jewish greatness, and, even though they may have contempt for the peccadilloes of the Christian Zionists, have little difficulty in making tactical alliance with them.
The soft Zionist cannot so easily override the moral contradictions that dog the Jewish state. He is therefore obliged to admit criticism. But he cannot allow criticism to reach the stage of calling Zionism itself into question. Therefore soft Zionism calls for "responsible" criticism and remains divided in its soul. This leads to a veritable frenzy of subterfuges, rationalizations and legal pettifogging. The soft Zionist, generally speaking, does not exult in Israel's power nor allow himself to dream of Jewish restoration. He will console himself, rather, with "realism" and call attention to the complexities and imperfections of this world. He will advance the (quite specious) notion that everyone is entitled to a national state; or ponder the great sufferings of the Jews and their entitlement, therefore, to a country of their own; or congratulate the Jewish state for allowing the Palestinians who live in Israel proper to vote, all the while chiding its improprieties.
More generally, he will consider Israel to be a "normal" state; and when its massive impunity and lawlessness is pointed out-for example, that the country has flouted scores of U.N. resolutions, or that it lacks a constitution-he will rejoin that after all, England lacks a constitution, too, or that nobody is perfect, or that the Arabs are much worse. The technique of the soft Zionist, then, is to employ lines of reasoning that enable Palestinians and Jews to be compared on equal ground-for example, how much each side has suffered, or as perpetrators of equivalent violence. Thus the soft Zionist dwells on narratives-individualized lines of reasoning that foster the equivalence of both sides in a complex and imperfect world-rather than on basic structures of justice whose asymmetry reflects the actual history of Zionist conquest.
Soft Zionists are more numerous than hard Zionists and are often successful in academia, the law, and politics. Being conflicted, they can go one way or the other, and thus on occasion will aid the cause of justice. An important example has arisen in context of the debacle of the neocon-driven 2003 invasion and occupation of Iraq. This has provoked a reaction from representatives of the so-called "realist" school of foreign policy. In the process, Israel itself has come under open criticism for the first time from within the elites, and this in turn provoked a harsh reaction from hard Zionists.
The leading instance has been President Jimmy Carter's "Palestine- Peace Not Apartheid," published in 2006 and variously greeted by intellectual officialdom with neglect, scorn, and/or fantastic charges of anti-semitism. Two years later, hard Zionist vengeance remained in full swing at the 2008 Democratic presidential convention when Carter, the only president to have actually achieved something in the way of peace between Israel and its Arab neighbors, was confined to a silent, hasty walk across the stage.
Carter is very much a Zionist, even, given his religious convictions, a kind of Christian Zionist whose views on Israel/Palestine were laid down by years of biblical study. Needless to say, he belongs to the soft end of the spectrum, able to criticize Israel yet careful to keep criticism from troubling the waters of Zionism itself. "Palestine - Peace Not Apartheid" has in this regard copious documentation of the relentless drive of the Israeli state to rid itself of Palestinians and seize their land.
But Carter blocks the realization of what this means. For example, he asserts: "Continuing impediments [to peace] have been the desire of some Israelis for Palestinian land, the refusal of some Arabs to accept Israel as a neighbor . . ." In other words, individuals are at fault, not any structure. Further, the equivalence of Israeli and Arab miscreants denies the central dynamic of conquest. The reader gets a confusing message: we are shown a systematic, expulsionist logic to the Jewish state, but only unspecified individuals are at fault.
More, though the mere appearance of the word "Apartheid" in the book's title was enough to ignite an explosion of criticism, Carter actually says little about apartheid, and when he does, denies an essential comparison with South Africa: "The driving purpose for the forced separation of the two peoples is unlike that in South Africa- not racism, but the acquisition of land." The distinction is pointless-for racism pervades Israel as much as it did South Africa, and in both instances does so for material reasons-to build a Jewish state and to ensure cheap black labor for South African mines and factories. The practical result is to force attention away from the logical conclusion that Israel, being equivalently racist to South Africa, should be treated in the same way, that is, be pressed to radically transform itself.
Another important example is Stephen Walt (Harvard) and John Mearsheimer's (University of Chicago) "The Israel Lobby and United States Foreign Policy," which argues for a realist foreign policy as against the excesses of the second Bush administration. As if to ward off in advance charges of anti-semitism or, heaven forfend, hostility to Zionism, Walt and Mearsheimer weaken their argument with the claim that "We are not challenging Israel's right to exist or questioning the legitimacy of the Jewish state"-as if someone dared them to say this. Later they assert that they are "pro-Israel" and deny that AIPAC is more than an ordinary lobby (except for being bigger and fiercer), or that Jews who support the lobby can be other than patriotic, decent Americans: "Any notion that Jewish Americans are disloyal citizens is wrong." Indeed, Israel must be treated "as a normal and legitimate country."
Such off-the-cuff statements remind us of obeisance routinely made by politicians before Zionist power. By asserting a priori the legitimacy of Israel, Walt and Mearsheimer forget that no state has an inherent right to exist, a principle established by Jefferson in our Declaration of Independence and a foundation stone of modern political theory. To take the question of legitimacy off the table in the face of massive structural evidence of human rights violations by Israel is to assert exceptional privilege for the Zionist state, and to join the chorus granting it impunity.
Walt and Mearsheimer flatly assert that Jewish Americans cannot be disloyal. Yet they write of several who have either committed espionage on behalf of Israel or are being charged with the same. Are these loyal Americans? And how can AIPAC be a normal lobby when it has been shown to have circumvented the U.S. Department of Justice's Foreign Agents Registration Act? Though Walt and Mearsheimer effectively challenge the way the Israel lobby grants the Israeli state impunity, they undercut the power of their critique by giving the lobby itself impunity.
Carter, Walt, and Mearsheimer have made important advances against the Zionist apparatus. But their tepid and circumscribed criticism leaves untouched the main problem with Israel: that, driven by Zionism, it is compelled to commit human rights violations on an expanding scale. Plainly, we need a ruthless criticism of Israel, one that rejects taboos, goes to the heart of the matter, and refuses to grant Israel its impunity.
My 2007 book, "Overcoming Zionism," tried to address this need by arguing, first, that since no state has an inherent right to exist, the court of world opinion is obliged to examine such right in the case of Israel; second, that such an examination discloses human rights abuses similar in kind and at least as great in degree as those for which the apartheid state of South Africa was deemed in need of transformation; and third, that people of good will should work, nonviolently, for the transformation of Israel into a democratic and secular, i.e., non-racist, state. Through a critical rejection of Zionism, therefore, I was arguing for the "one-state" solution. Indeed, as the two-state option (aside from its manifold practical obstacles) demands the retention of Israel as a Jewish state, with all its malign implications, there is no other option than a single, democratic and secular state for those who place human rights and universal values in the foreground of their belief.
I expected that this would not find favor with the establishment, and I was right. My book received the full deck of hostile neglect. It was rejected time and time again by publishers in the United States, often rudely and out of hand, as well as by literary agents. It was kept out of libraries (not one copy circulates throughout the vast system of the New York Public Libraries), and it has been shunned en masse by reviewers in mainstream print publications, including those on the left.
Two instances deserve some elaboration. "Overcoming Zionism" was originally viewed with considerable interest by a senior editor at the University of California Press. However, about a month into the vetting process she wrote me in distress that she would have to withdraw her provisional offer as it was proving impossible to get the manuscript past the press's faculty board. She shared with me a letter of rejection, redacting the author's name but assuring me that he was a prominent critic of Israel and a person with "very progressive politics." The grounds for rejection had essentially nothing to do with intellectual or scholarly merit. Rather, it was that:
I fear that this book would give intellectual credence to political forces that will retard, rather than advance, the chances of peace. I believe it will harden ideological divisions between defenders and critics of Israel. Rather than "offer[ing] a way for Jews to reclaim the universality buried beneath tribalism and exceptionalism" and thereby "help[ing] people break loose from this trap," [claims made in my description of the project] I fear the impact of this book will be just the opposite. It will just make things more difficult for progressive Zionists like Michael Lerner, who largely agree with Kovel regarding the horrendous policies of the Israeli government, but make a distinction between Zionism as a legitimate national liberation struggle and the racism of Israeli policies.
In sum, the reviewer felt that I went too far in questioning the basic legitimacy of Zionism, and thereby made life difficult for soft Zionists. Thus "Overcoming Zionism" would have to be silenced so that soft Zionism could continue to have its moment in the sun.
The "progressive," compelled as he twice says by fear, was arguing that a great university press could not afford to publish a radical critique. So much for the free play of ideas.
I decided to turn abroad to the more open intellectual climate of the U.K., and soon found Pluto Press of London willing to publish "Overcoming Zionism." This meant that it needed a U.S. distributor, for which purpose Pluto had contracted some years before with another great university press, that of the University of Michigan. For a while all went as anticipated. "Overcoming Zionism" was greeted with the expectable blank silence from established sources. Meanwhile I did what I could to promote it through alternative channels-internet, speaking engagements at small venues and in solidarity networks, interviews on community radio stations, and the like.
In July 2007, Pluto informed me that despite the blackout, sales were proceeding briskly; "Overcoming Zionism" was not about to wither away from malign neglect but was being nourished from below. The Zionist thought police must have concluded the same, and with alarm, because on August 13 an outlet near the University of Michigan, StandWithUs/Michigan (considered a branch of the Campus Watch movement, under the leadership of the well-known hard Zionist, Daniel Pipes), released in its newsletter a broadside against me and my "ruthless criticism" of Israel, as well as against Pluto Press.
Among the charges:
The book is a collection of anti-Israel propaganda, misquotes, and discredited news stories, and is carried forward throughout by declared contempt for Judaism and its adherents. . . . Overcoming Zionism is a wholly unscholarly propaganda text, a rambling negation of every aspect of Israeli society, and a near complete restatement of Israel's history. It is published by the radical left Pluto Press of London, England . . . and distributed in the United States exclusively by the University of Michigan Press (UMP).
StandWithUs-Michigan contacted the office of UMP director Phil Pochoda last week, making repeated requests for a statement regarding the book and the reason for its distribution by UMP. To date no statement or response has been provided by the director.
That was swiftly to change. Three days later, Pochoda, after promising me on the phone that UMP would resist this effort to suppress the right of free speech, wrote to say that he had caved in . . . Well, no, he wouldn't say that. He put it, rather, that "Overcoming Zionism" was so vile a work as to be unfit for human consumption:
Because it is a distributed title for Pluto Press, no one at UMP had read Overcoming Zionism prior to the Stand/With/Us diatribe. I and others read it after that assault, and had fully expected to gear up for, at least, a free speech defense. Though I had no trouble with the one-state solution your book proposes nor with a Zionist critique, per se-we had, after all, proudly and successfully published Virginia Tilley-I (and faculty members I asked to read the book, as well) were apalled [sic] by your reckless, viscious [sic], and unmodulated attack on Zionism and all Zionists. For us, the issue raised by the book is not free speech but hate speech. Perhaps such vituperative and aggressive rhetoric works for the barricades, but it cannot be countenanced or underwritten by the university or the university press, even in this peripheral, distributed capacity.
Even worse for me, as a result of your book, the university is in the process of reassessing our relation as a whole to Pluto (and that has been a four year relationship that I have cherished, both personally and professionally). While that review goes on (and I am only marginally involved), we have ceased shipping Overcoming Zionism.
The rest of this story can be told briefly: an organization sprang up in September 2007 called the Committee for the Open Discussion of Zionism (see www.CODZ.org). Responding to the efforts of certain Zionist organizations in the U.S. to suppress criticism of Israel and/or Zionism, it defended the rights of "Overcoming Zionism" and Pluto Press. As a result, the book was restored to circulation, with grave reservations being expressed by the faculty board of UMP as to its worth. The attack then shifted to Pluto, whose contract with UMP was threatened. A massive letter-writing campaign ensued, protecting Pluto's rights for a while, but these were threatened again in November, when several regents of the university weighed in on the side of repression. UMP's formal ties with Pluto were broken in May, 2008, when the contract was terminated as of the end of 2008 on the transparently hypocritical grounds that Pluto did not properly vet manuscripts.
* "Overcoming Zionism" has continued to sell modestly yet steadily, and indeed was helped by the attention aroused by its banning, which substituted at one level for an actual review by stating in effect that the work was important enough to warrant suppression. At another level, the lack of such a review, at least in the mainstream press, meant that the charges hurled at the book (none quoting, by the way, any actual instances of what I wrote) could not be substantiated.
Those charges-hate speech, vituperative and aggressive rhetoric, anti- Israel propaganda, misquotes, discredited news stories, declared contempt for Judaism, wholly unscholarly, etc., etc.-are mere mud- slinging, though it must be added that sometimes mud can have considerable weight.
* UMP had indeed published a book highly critical of Israel and advocating its transformation, Virginia Tilley's "The One State Solution." This is an excellent work which I cite approvingly in "Overcoming Zionism." What distinguished the two cases is that my book was attacked by the Zionist apparatus and Tilley's, for reasons unknown, was not. The point is, that the director of UMP accepted the legitimacy of the Zionist inquisitor and revealed himself to be a soft Zionist for whom criticism of Israel is possible so long as it does not go "too far." But what is too far? Is it that which arouses an irrational and vindictive panic in certain liberals? And who is to determine "too far?" The liberal Zionists? The hard Zionists who launch the attacks? Surely these are not adequate criteria.
* What we need is the realization that although all living beings have an inherent right to exist with dignity, ideas do not hold any such right. If an idea can be proven destructive to living beings then it should be combated and destroyed, as the idea of slavery and the innate inferiority of women have been destroyed. This is often not an easy matter to decide, whence we need to install the grounds for full and open inquiry, and honor and protect those ideas that run against the grain.
At the practical level, both fear and the desire for revenge have to be overcome. This happens to the degree that we reach out and achieve a universal, as against a tribal or chauvinist, perspective. For the critique of Zionism-the case at hand and, it may be added, a very bad idea-it is necessary to reach out to comprehend how we have gone astray and make it part of our being. The unity of the Christian West and Zionist Israel is given in their common history of eliminating indigenous people and using lofty and pseudo-spiritual values to justify this. The failure to confront and overcome this history is shown in racism and the foundation myths of conquering societies.
Once we reach out beyond these limits, we can recover what has been lost. There is nothing to fear then. No need for impunity-just the taking of responsibility for what we have done and who we have become.
With this, we can begin to change.
POSTSCRIPT:Since posting the above item we have received the information that Bard College has told Professor Kovel that his contract will not be renewed when the current contract ends on 30 June 2009
TERMINATION OF JOEL KOVEL WILL BE A LOSS TO BARD COLLEGE
Bard College has been fortunate to have on its teaching staff for the last 20 years a professor with the competence and wide-ranging interests of Joel Kovel. His sudden termination leaves many questions unanswered. Is Bard College a fair employer? Most colleges and universities have rules in place that require that a professor be evaluated and warned if there are areas in which he is found wanting, not simply summarily terminated. This does not seem to have been the case with Professor Kovel.
Most colleges and universities value faculty members who value factual investigations, even on subjects which are emotional, because indeed these often are the most important issues.
Professor Kovel's knowledge of Israel and Palestine is current, detailed and based on fact. It is not clear that those placed on the committee to judge his work were fully competent to exercise their responsibility, which again raises the question if Bard is a fair employer.
Most colleges and universities seek a diversity of political and religious opinions on their campus. In Professor Kovel's case, his relations with the administration seem to have soured only after publication of his book "Overcoming Zionism," in which he describes within Judaism an historical conflict between the concepts of exclusivism and later Zionism, and universalism and equal respect for all. This conflict is abundantly clear to the many peace groups in Israel and in the U.S. Indeed, it is a very hot issue at this time and is being discussed in many venues, but apparently is not deemed appropriate for Bard College.
We regret this loss for Bard College both of its reputation as a fair employer and of a place where a diversity of views is valued. If this example at Bard College and the earlier firing of Norman Finkelstein at De Paul University in Chicago are typical in U.S. education, then we fear for the quality of preparation of the next generation for their responsibilities in the world.
Sabeel urges you to read the information provided in the links below and send an email message to Bard College President Leon Botstein: firstname.lastname@example.org and Executive Vice-President Dimitri Papadimitriou: email@example.com
STATEMENT OF JOEL KOVEL REGARDING HIS TERMINATION BY BARD COLLEGE
JOEL KOVEL ACCUSES BARD OF FIRING HIM FOR HIS ANTI-ZIONIST SCHOLARSHIP
OVERCOMING ZIONISM, BY JOEL KOVEL
'This book is absolutely fundamental for those who reject the unfortunate confusion between Jews, Judaism, Zionism and the State of Israel -- a confusion which is the basis for systematic manipulation by the imperialist power system. It convincingly argues in favour of a single secular state for Israelis and Palestinians as the only democratic solution for the region.'Samir Amin, Director of the Third World Forum
Lecture (video) by Joel Kovel, "OVERCOMING ZIONISM"
This item was received by email
http://lists.kabissa.org/mailman/listinfo/debateDate: Sat, Feb 14, 2009 at 8:08 PM
Attached are French and English versions of a text signed by French academics who declare they wouldn't collaborate with Israeli institutions participating in the occupation and demand the adoption of a policy of sanctions against Israel.Please send around,
Reports have made it clear that Israel's actions in Gaza amount to war crimes: a population denied all possibility of escape or self-defense has been starved, deprived of medical care, and massacred beyond the view of the media. Images and accounts of the results of these actions are now reaching us, and they are frankly unbearable. It is not a matter of "excesses" committed by a few soldiers, but rather of a deliberate policy that borders on ethnic cleansing. To quote a letter signed by 300 British-based academics and published in the Guardian January 16, " The goal of this war has never changed: to use overwhelming military power to eradicate the Palestinians as a political force, one capable of resisting Israel's ongoing appropriation of their land and resources."
Israel's impunity must end. Neither humanitarian aid nor a call to extend the ceasefire will suffice. The blockade of Gaza must be lifted and Israel, together with its political and military leaders, must be tried for war crimes. We ask the French government and the French population to take all practical measures to force Israel to accept these demands, and, first of all, to define and apply to Israel a program of boycott, divestment, and sanctions.
We who have signed this text commit ourselves to cease all collaboration with Israeli institutions participating in the occupation, and declare our solidarity with those who in Israel struggle courageously for the human, social, and political rights of Palestinians.Séraphin Alava, Professeur à l'Université Toulouse 2
This article was received by email.
Resistance takes as many forms as life itself dictates.
Life in Gaza could not be more impossible. Its tunnels are a symbol of resistance.
Eighteen months ago, outraged when the Palestinians voted for the militant leadership of Hamas in democratic elections, Israel imposed a total lockdown on the entire population of Gaza.
But the entire people were determined to continue to resist. They found a way to circumvent total starvation.
The Israeli blockade led to a new economic structure, an underground economy. The besieged Palestinians have dug more than 1,000 tunnels under the totally sealed border.
Many thousands of Palestinians are now employed in digging, smuggling or transporting, and reselling essential goods. Smuggling constitutes approximately 90 percent of economic activity in Gaza, Gazan economist Omar Shaban told The Guardian. (Oct. 22, 2008)
The tunnels demonstrate the great ingenuity and enormous determination of the entire population and its leadership. Because millions of Palestinians have been forced into refugee status outside of historic Palestine, large extended families on both sides of the border help arrange the buying and shipping of goods or send funds so family members locked in Gaza can buy essential supplies.
The tunnels connect the Egyptian town of Rafah with the Palestinian refugee camp of the same name inside Gaza. They have become a fantastic, life-sustaining network of corridors dug through sandy soil. Tunnels are typically three-tenths of a mile long, approximately 45 to 50 feet deep. They cost from $50,000 to $90,000 and require several months of intense labor to dig.
They pass under the Philadelphi buffer zone-a border strip of land put under Israeli military control by the 1993 Oslo accords.
The Israeli siege of Gaza, followed by 23 days of systematic bombing and invasion, has created massive destruction and scarcity. Food processing plants, chicken farms, grain warehouses, U.N. food stocks, almost all the remaining infrastructure, and 230 small factories were destroyed. Now hundreds of trucks packed with essential supplies from international and humanitarian agencies sit outside the strip, refused entry to Gaza by Israeli guards. As soon as the Israeli bombing ended, work on the tunnels resumed.
Lara Marlowe reported from Rafah: "From a distance, you'd think it was a horticultural project. Banks of red earth criss-cross the Palestinian side of the no-man's land between Gaza and Egypt. Every 20 or 30 meters, young Palestinian men work under what appear to be greenhouse canopies.
"The tunnels of Rafah-more than one thousand of them-are a major stake in the war between Hamas and Israel. Israel wants the tunnels shut; the Palestinians say they would starve without them, because of Israel's 19-month siege of the Gaza Strip. Despite three weeks of heavy bombing, the majority of the tunnels are open.
"The area has as many holes as a Swiss cheese. 'Sometimes the tunnels intersect,' says a worker. 'We try to avoid it. We go under or over other tunnels. It's like directing train traffic.'
"The smugglers work in jeans, T-shirts and bare feet. 'We shore up the collapsed parts with wood,' Hamdan [a tunnel worker] explains. 'If the Israelis bomb again, we'll use metal next time, and concrete the time after that. As long as there's a siege, the tunnels will keep working.'" (Irish Times, Jan. 26)
Food is towed through on plastic sleighs. Livestock are herded through larger tunnels. Flour, milk, cheese, cigarettes, cooking oil, toothpaste, small generators, computers and kerosene heaters come through the tunnels. Every day, about 300 to 400 gas canisters for cooking come through the lines. On the Egyptian side the trade sustains the ruptured economy while corrupt or sympathetic guards and officers look the other way.
Electricity and fans provide ventilation. Essential supplies of diesel fuel are pumped through the tunnels in hoses and pipes.
Rami Almeghari, editor-in-chief of the Gaza-based Palestinian Information Service and contributor to The Electronic Intifada, has described the organization that goes into digging and maintaining the tunnels. The Hamas-led government in Gaza imposed regulations and restrictions on the tunnel trade to avoid accidents and prevent smuggling of drugs and prohibited substances. "However, the besieged Hamas government cannot guarantee an end to the tunnel trade, unless the Israeli blockade comes to a halt."
Almeghari interviewed one tunnel worker as he loaded cooking oil canisters: "Let Israel besiege us the way it wants, and we bring in what we want. At the end of the day, we will not let anyone repress us."
Xinhua News headlined a Jan. 22 article: "In spite of Israeli offensive, Gaza tunnels are back to work."
"We dug tunnels because we have no other alternative. Israel was imposing a very tough blockade on Gaza Strip and the tunnels were the smartest way to defeat this blockade," Hashem Abu Jazzar, a 23-year-old worker, told Xinhua News.
"As long as Israel is still imposing the siege on Gaza Strip, I don't think that we will stop working in the tunnels, but if all crossings are fully and permanently opened, I believe that working in tunnels will automatically stop," said Abu Jabal, a 45-year-old owner of a tunnel.
Commercial tunnels are used only for food, fuel, medicines and basic necessities. Other totally separate tunnels are operated by resistance groups to bring in small weapons and munitions.
Israel claims it drops 100-ton bombs on the tunnels from F-16 jets to stop Palestinian rockets. But closing off supplies to an entire population or bombing life-sustaining tunnels will not prevent the firing of small rockets.
A population with skills, education, massive unemployment, lots of time and no future will be able to build rockets, mortars, pipe bombs and mines out of the tons of scrap metal and twisted ruins that Israel left behind.
The continued blockade is strictly punitive.
The Israeli military and their Pentagon backers are deeply frustrated. The bombing failed to demoralize the Palestinian people or break their will. It is also clear that the massive bombardment of the Rafah border and the targeting of hundreds of tunnels have failed to close these lifelines of basic supplies.
On Feb. 1, Israel again bombed the border, targeting the tunnels.
What is needed is a broad international campaign to demand an end to U.S.-supported Israeli collective punishment and an end to the intended starvation of an entire population.
The only possibility for peace in the region is through the recognition of the full rights of the Palestinian people to return to all their land. Their sovereignty and economic development must be guaranteed.
The immediate starvation siege must be lifted. The international movement that emerged in solidarity with Gaza must focus world attention on this international war crime._ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Articles copyright 1995-2009 Workers World. Verbatim copying and distribution of this entire article is permitted in any medium without royalty provided this notice is preserved.Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011
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Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 1
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 2
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 3
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 4
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 5
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 6
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 7
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 8
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 9a
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 9b
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 10
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 11
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 12
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 14
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 15
Jewish and Israel/Palestine Issues Part 16
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